
As a radical historian, interested in the history of protest, trade unions and the organisation of the working classes I have been intrigued and enthralled by the issues surrounding the Spanish Civil War. There have been many works published on the subject and many of them acknowledge the rural and urban collectives set up by the CNT-FAI in many parts of Republican ‘controlled’ Spain during the years of 1936 to 1939, and during the Austrian Revolt of October 1934. However, these publications have been rather lacking in details of how the collectives were organised especially, those in the rural areas, while the workers’ self-management of industry, instituted in the city of Barcelona, have been more widely studied. For those of us who believe there is another way of organising society, rather through a Parliamentary system, it is encouraging to have concrete examples of the alternatives, even of those which functioned for a short time. The Anarchist Collectives – Workers’ Management in the Spanish Revolution 1936 – 1939, edited by Sam Dolgoff, goes into some astonishing detail using eye-witness accounts of how these worked.
‘A Sweeping Social Revolution’
Dolgoff’s introduction is the reproduction of an essay on the Spanish Civil War by Murray Bookchin, American historian and political theorist, whose essay on the Spanish Revolution was written in 1973. Within the introduction, Boockchin suggests that as well as fighting against Franco’s Fascist Coup, there were others who were fighting to make a society free of oppression and poverty. He describes this as, ‘a sweeping social revolution by millions of workers and peasants who were concerned not to rescue a treacherous republican regime but to reconstruct Spanish society along revolutionary lines’ (p. xii). Bookchin doubts that there were many people outside of Spain who knew that this was the situation at the time and it is only with retrospective historical analysis, this that these aims and objectives can truly come to light in any detail.
The Context
Part one of the publication is written by Dolgoff himself, who attempts to put the philosophy of communal living into some historical context. Dolgoff is keen to explain that the Spanish people, especially in the rural areas, have always lived by some sort of collective method, such as looking after communal water supplies. Meanwhile, in the towns and cities, the CNT, had been educating workers on matters of Workers’ Self-Management since 1910 when the Union was founded. Dolgoff believes that the collectives during the Spanish Revolution were more successful than those of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 because of these things: firstly long-term education and practice in agrarian collective living and secondly, because the rural collectives were not forced to comply as they were in Russia. They were ready and able to organise a new revolutionary society by themselves and worked with the urban areas.
Above, left to right: Gaston Leval , Murray Bookchin (from Google images)
The Workings of Agrarian Collectives
For me, the most exciting part of the book is the eye-witness accounts. Dolgoff reproduces work by Gaston Leval, Augustin Souchy, Jose Pierats, Aldro Prats and H.E. Kaminski who travelled through Aragon, Levant and Catalonia and recorded how the rural collectives and workers self-management organised industries were implemented, interviewing people along the way. In the agrarian collectives private ownership of property was banned and there were no rents to pay. Machinery and tools were shared among everyone and all helped out in the fields and contributed food products to the collectivised shops or stores. Often, money was banned and replaced with vouchers or ration books dependant on family make-up, but local banks were set up to hold reserves of the national currency. The money was not loaned out or there to make a profit, just used for trading purposes with other towns and other villages, and to use for payment for transport into urban areas if needed. People in the Collectives recognised that not all wanted to live that way, so those not wanting to take part were left to fend for themselves. Eye-witness accounts do tell us that most of these people slowly came round to the idea of collective living or occasionally helped out the commune in the busy times – harvest time for example. Education was also made readily available within agrarian collectives. During the 1930s a large proportion of the Spanish population was illiterate.
Urban Collectivisation and Workers’ Self-Management
With regards to industrial and urban areas, workplaces were taken over and run by committees. There were no more bosses taking big wages and so this money could be ploughed straight back into the businesses and be distributed among the workers themselves. Working hours and wages were standardised in the factories. Many people, especially in the war industries, worked longer hours for the cause, making ammunition, converting vehicles into tanks or clothing for the militias fighting the fascists at the front. Shops, such as bakers, opticians and barbers were collectivised and although some shops were closed to make way for other more efficient ones everybody remained employed. Transport such as trams, buses and taxis were nationalised and ran, according to eye-witness accounts, much more efficiently than before. Health services were nationalised, with The Health Workers’ Union attracting 8,000 new members by November 1936, only three months after it was founded (p. 99). The Unions (specifically the CNT-FAI) played a very important part in holding the industrial areas together and forming the basis for collectivisation of industry.
onclusion
The authors acknowledge that the social revolution was not perfect. A lot of the organisation was done by trial and error with many group meetings to start with until things started to run smoothly. With regards to justice, there were systems implemented where the village or workplace committees would reprimand a first time offender and then would be referred to the village as a whole if the breaking of commune rules continued. Those involved in the social revolution were also aware that there may come the time when the communes needed defending and militias would need to be hastily arranged. These would be non-hierarchical and include men and women. Most of the social revolution work was conducted by women and older people, as the young, strong men were defending against the fascists at the front. Leval lists, the objectives and how well they were met, or not and despite the obstacles, Leval writes: “the revolution developed in extremely complicated circumstances. Attacks from within and without had to be fought off. It took fantastic efforts to put anarchist principles into practice. But in many places it was done. The organisers found out how to get round everything.” (p. 170).
Inspired and helped by the CNT-FAI, with a bit of creative thinking, and the freedom to do it, the social revolution in Spain flourished, until it was betrayed from within by the Left and beaten by Franco’s troops. However, this book demonstrates that it is possible to build a new world even under the most extreme circumstances. It is the book I always wanted to read about the Spanish Civil War and to be inspired by.







